John Ken Lukyamuzi represented Lubaga South as a Constituent Assembly delegate in 1994–1995 and later as a Member of Parliament from 1996 to 2005. 

A veteran politician and outspoken critic of the Museveni government, he was barred from seeking re-election in the 2006 elections by the then-Inspector General of Government, Faith Mwondha, and the Electoral Commission. The reason: his alleged failure to declare assets as required by the Leadership Code.

Forty-six politicians delayed submitting their forms, like Lukyamuzi, but only he was barred from contesting. He says former Inspector General of Police General Kale Kaihura later told him the government did not want him in parliament. Lukyamuzi challenged the decision in the Constitutional Court, which ruled against him. He then appealed to the Supreme Court, which ruled in his favour and awarded him Shs300 million in compensation.

Since then, he has struggled to return to parliament. In this wide-ranging interview, he discusses how President Museveni once told NRM supporters that instead of plotting to kill him, they should “disorganise” him. He also explains why he does not trust former Leader of the Opposition Mathias Mpuuga, whom he says is a beneficiary of Museveni’s money. And he speaks about the campaign on CBS’s Kaliisoliiso to malign him and his daughter, Susan Nampijja, who was elected MP for Lubaga South after he was barred from contesting. 

Musaazi Namiti conducted the interview.

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You have kept a low profile. Any specific reasons for this decision?

I kept a low profile for several reasons. In one instance, during a morning programme on Top Radio hosted by Kateregga, I was asked to comment as an environmentalist on the possible consequences of oil extraction in a country where people are largely unaware of its repercussions.

After my submission, in which I argued that Uganda was not prepared to extract oil without causing serious environmental damage, a supporter of the government challenged me. He told the host: “You, Kateregga, have made a big mistake allowing Lukyamuzi to speak about oil. His views could cause problems and make potential funders reconsider their support.”

He went on to say: “In Lubaga, at one point, Lukyamuzi was blocking everything we planned to do. We organised ourselves—six of us, including two army officers—and went to the president of our party, the NRM, requesting permission to eliminate him. When we reached the president, he said—this is recorded—’Why do you want to kill him? Disorganise him instead. Organise yourselves and defeat him.’”

That statement shocked me. I had never thought I posed such a threat to the government.

You said the president asked: ‘Why do you want to kill him?’

Yes.

When did this happen?

Two years ago. That statement unsettled me. It made me rethink my approach and actions.

You were once a strong critic of the government. Would you say your views have softened? If so, why?

That incident was one reason. The other was a reflection on my past. I was warned by Mr Mukasa—a blind man who courageously shared this information—that my life was at risk. I realised the warning was serious.

I also considered my electoral losses. I lost elections in both 2016 and 2021. The 2016 loss was likely linked to what Mukasa had said. After the president instructed his people not to kill me, they took a different approach. Mr Kato Lubwama, for instance, spent a whole year making outrageous statements about me and my daughter, [Susan] Nampijja, on CBS radio’s Kaliisoliiso programme. [Kato Lubwama won the Lubaga South parliamentary seat in the 2016 election, replacing Mr Lukyamuzi. He died in 2023.]

At the time, I was in Parliament, serving as the Shadow minister of Water and Environment, occasionally acting as the Leader of the Opposition in the absence of FDC members. I was also the president of the Conservative Party. Managing all these responsibilities made it difficult to defend myself effectively.

I realised why I lost the first election. I had to reassess my actions because the threats against me were real. I also recalled an incident in 2005 when 46 people delayed submitting their IGG forms, including Kagimu Kiwanuka and Michael Mabikke. Out of the 46, I was the only one whose form was rejected. When I sought answers from Kale Kayihura, the then-Inspector General of Police, he told me: “Ken, you are in danger. They do not want you in Parliament.”

The 2016 loss was likely linked to what Mukasa had said. After the president instructed his people not to kill me, they took a different approach. Mr Kato Lubwama, for instance, spent a whole year making outrageous statements about me and my daughter, [Susan] Nampijja, on CBS radio’s Kaliisoliiso programme.

I pressed on and took the matter to the Supreme Court, where I won the case. But that experience, among others, showed me the risks involved in my political activism. I asked myself: “Why should I die when there is no realistic chance of defeating this regime?” As long as I maintain my integrity and cannot be bought, I feel proud. That is why I chose to slow down.

In the 1980 elections, the Conservative Party was under the leadership of the late Jehoash Mayanja-Nkangi. Did you inherit it from him?

No, I inherited it from Nsambu.

Why not Mayanja-Nkangi?

Mayanja-Nkangi was suspended over issues regarding the selection of the party’s representatives in the Constituent Assembly. [The CA debated the draft constitution.] He attempted to bring in Katenta-Apuuli [former Ugandan diplomat and politician] without consulting the party. The NEC opposed this and suspended him, replacing him with Nsambu.

You mean the late Nsubuga Nsambu, who represented Makindye West?

Yes. In 2005, we held a delegates’ conference at Fairway Hotel, where I was elected president of the Conservative Party.

So you began leading the party in 2005?

Yes. Before that, I was the National Organising Secretary and later Secretary General.

You have led the party for decades. Why has there been no leadership change?

It is not a matter of overstaying. The last election was in 2012, followed by a National Council election in 2019. We are now preparing for a delegates’ conference, where I intend to step down as president, though I will remain an activist.

However, political parties in Uganda are facing serious challenges. Are you aware of what is happening to the FDC, DP and UPC? President Museveni once said that by a certain time, there would be no opposition left. Many parties have been co-opted or weakened. The Conservative Party is one of the few that have resisted. We have refused to be bought.

That said, I do want to hand over leadership. Even if some party members resist change, I insist that I should step down. I also want to rest.

Who do you see as your successor when you step aside?

There are several potential candidates.

Can you name them?

I prefer not to, to avoid any perception of bias. Right now, we are waiting for support from our international supporters to fund the delegates’ conference. Once we secure funding, we will ensure that local party structures elect new executive committees. Despite challenges, I am proud that the Conservative Party has remained intact.

At one point, we nearly lost our independence due to Amama Mbabazi’s political manoeuvres. You recall how he swayed members from various parties, including ours.

Was that when he formed the Democratic Alliance?

No, that was in 2016. During that period, he lured members from different parties, including the DP and CP. We feared for our survival.

You mentioned concerns about opposition parties contesting the next election. Why?

Museveni went to the bush in Luweero, claiming that previous regimes had failed to establish a fair electoral system. Now, we are back to the same situation. It is as if another Luweero struggle is needed to restore hope for political change in Uganda.

I am considering launching an initiative in the next two months to unite opposition parties. We need to come together and decide on the way forward regarding the upcoming elections. We must determine whether participating under the current circumstances is even viable. As seen in Amama Mbabazi vs Yoweri Kaguta Museveni and the Electoral Commission, the integrity of Uganda’s electoral process remains deeply questionable.

Let us now talk about the constituency you used to represent, Lubaga South. Are you planning a political comeback in 2026?

I had no plan of coming back. But since the election fever started, people on the phone, at my home, come almost every day [saying]: “We lost out, Lubaga South missed out on opportunities throughout the 10 years. We have not benefited from anything in the last 10 years. So we want you to come back and rescue this area.”

People have told you they want you to represent them again?

Yes, they do. I have not accepted yet, but I am considering it.

The 2016 and 2021 elections did not go well for you. What do you think went wrong? You lost both elections.

It was the propaganda generated by Kato Lubwama and Kaliisoliiso [CBS show] about me and my daughter, which was published in the Red Pepper.

We took the matter to court and won the case. They were ordered to compensate us with shs 300m. That was the root of my problems.

So, if there had been no propaganda, you believe you would be back in Parliament?

Yes, I would be back. But at the same time, based on what I have just shared, I believe I would also be dead by now. I do not know if you recall what I said earlier—God may have positioned that tragedy to save my life. I had become a very dangerous political animal in the 7th parliament. That was the parliament in which Aggrey Awori [the late former presidential candidate] and I were named by the Africa Leadership Institute as the best-performing Members of Parliament and awarded gold medals.

Many Ugandans believe elections are more about money than ideas. In your experience, is voter bribery a necessity?

It is becoming a necessity due to bad politics. Let me explain. Over the last ten years, politics in Uganda has deteriorated. This is partly due to the suppression of freedom of speech and assembly, as well as the failure of political parties to fully articulate their manifestos. This has prevented political parties from supporting capable leaders who can fight for meaningful change.

This is why we see so much turmoil within political parties. Some party primaries have become deadly. The problem is that we now have many independent MPs in parliament who are not affiliated with political parties. In such a scenario, parliament is weakened because independent MPs do not feel obligated to push a party agenda. They remain sceptical and disengaged. Nobody compels them to rally behind a party’s cause, which ultimately works against organised political structures.

We now have many independent MPs in parliament who are not affiliated with political parties. In such a scenario, parliament is weakened because independent MPs do not feel obligated to push a party agenda. They remain sceptical and disengaged. Nobody compels them to rally behind a party’s cause, which ultimately works against organised political structures.

Take, for example, the National Unity Platform (NUP). They were forced into a public debate about the issue. However, I believe that debate was deceptive. If political parties truly wanted to recruit strong, capable candidates, they would do so by actively engaging with communities across the country. A competent leader should be someone recognised by the people, someone they have heard speak and can trust to bring them victory.

But those opportunities no longer exist. As a result, people resort to buying votes and membership cards, which is dangerous. It has also lowered the standard of political debate in the country.

Some argue that poverty among voters is the reason for this—that if voters were not living from hand to mouth, things would be different.

No, that is not entirely true. The atmosphere may be one of poverty, but that does not necessarily mean that people’s commitment to political parties should erode. In the past, despite economic hardships, people remained loyal to their political parties. However, that loyalty has dwindled because there are now fewer opportunities to engage in political discourse and articulate the importance of party membership and policy issues. This has been happening for a long time—ten years is a very long period.

Do you remember the era of the Constituent Assembly (CA)? I participated in three elections when political parties were not allowed, but we were still generally identifiable by our political affiliations. During the CA elections, voters would receive a list with candidates numbered one, two, three and so on. The same applied in 1996 and 2001. But once that structured approach disappeared, the political landscape became chaotic.

People are now technically free to organise political rallies, but in reality, that freedom does not exist. Even during election years, the ability to hold rallies is severely restricted. You have seen recent incidents where people lost their legs due to politically motivated violence. We are living in a very clandestine political atmosphere.

Let us talk about opposition alliances. In 2015, you were part of the Democratic Alliance (TDA). What happened?

No, not at all. You mean the TDA? I stayed with the Conservative Party (CP). I did not believe in backing a candidate like Amama Mbabazi, who had previously championed the Public Order Management Act (POMA), which was used to suppress political activity. So I kept my distance.

But there were photographs of you in meetings with other opposition leaders, including Mbabazi.

Not me. That was my secretary. If you ask CP officials, they will tell you that I remained committed to Besigye’s campaign.

Mathias Mpuuga’s Democratic Alliance has reached out to opposition figures such as Michael Mabikke and others in an attempt to resolve the country’s political challenges. Have they approached you?

Yes, they have, but I became suspicious of them.

Why were you suspicious?

Because from the start, they were not open with us. Initially, they convinced JEEMA, the CP and Joseph Kabuleta’s NEED party that we should work together under the Alliance. You must have heard about it. I agreed in principle.

Before we had progressed much, they suddenly announced a conference, saying they were launching something. I asked: “What exactly are we launching?” The original launch had already taken place at this hotel [where this interview was conducted] under my guidance. However, the subsequent developments within the Alliance moved forward without my involvement.

Then they said they had opened an office. I asked: “Did we, as principals, ever sit down to discuss this office?” They dismissed my concerns. Suddenly, they rebranded everything under the Democratic Alliance (DA) and claimed they had secured office space for five years.

Where was the money coming from? We received troubling reports that Mabikke and Samuel Mukaaku had benefited from land deals, and they never convincingly defended themselves against those allegations. I had a great deal of hope in Mpuuga—tremendous hope.

Are you saying you no longer have confidence in him?

Not much anymore. All of a sudden, these individuals surrounded Mpuuga and declared him their leader. They damaged his credibility. They should have been more strategic about the timing of their actions.

As for Mpuuga himself, he does not seem as steady as the man I knew when we studied together at the law school. There was significant public outcry before he received that money. He should have used that outcry as an opportunity to reject or return the funds.

Let me give you an example. In 2005, there was a man called Kikungwe—a colleague from the DP. One afternoon, after lunch, he pulled me aside and said: “Ken, I need to talk to you. Are you aware that these people—the Oulanyas—are sending money to buy off MPs?”

I asked him if he was certain. He told me he had already returned his cheque. I rushed to the bank, found the money and immediately returned it—five million. There was time for Mpuuga to do the same. People in parliament had already raised alarms about the movement of those cheques before they even reached him. He should have acted.

I do not know why he did not.

Do you agree with Mpuuga’s critics who claim he is collaborating with the NRM to weaken the opposition?

I cannot entirely dismiss that claim. And do you know why? Museveni will do anything if he believes someone can help him out of a political crisis. It is entirely plausible that money was channelled to Mukaaku and others to fight the NUP, because Museveni fears the NUP. There is no doubt about that—he is terrified of the NUP.

And in this political climate, if you become a significant obstacle, you could easily lose your life. I have never seen supporters of a political party harassed and tortured as much as NUP supporters. That is the reality.

Do you think Mpuuga’s Democratic Alliance can challenge NUP in Buganda? 

I doubt it because you cannot remove the view that has spread here and there that Mpuuga is a beneficiary of Museveni’s money. Two, the people who are said to have collected the money, given to them to fight the NUP, have not performed well. They have not defended themselves. During [election] campaigns it will be worse. If I were Mpuuga, I would only concentrate on retaining my seat and stop at that. Even Bobi Wine is not safe. There are two gentlemen, namely Benjamin Katana [NUP’s treasurer] and Lewis Rubongoya [NUP’s secretary general]—I was with them at the law school—they are protecting Museveni intellectually. This cannot be easily spotted, but they are with him. Rubongoya is still working with Museveni but at a high level.

The opposition has been fighting Museveni’s rule for decades. What are its biggest failures?

I will begin with minimal success. Minimal success is that in 2006, the election was supposed to be repeated. In 2016, Dr Besigye is believed to have won by 52% of the vote.

So you are saying if these elections were not marred by irregularities, they would have translated into the success of the opposition?

Yes, so you cannot say that we have totally failed. On the point of failure to remove him from power, the Americans have also done us a disservice because they have been standing with him in their campaign against terrorism in Somalia. This has contributed to his long stay. The last is the dictatorial manner in which he has operated. It has contributed a lot to our failure to get rid of him. The framers of the constitution had incorporated the presidential term limits and age limits to ensure a smooth transfer of power from one leader to the next. You remember how he struggled to bribe MPs in 2005. [Many MPs got a bribe of shs5m each to remove term limits from the constitution.]

With Museveni controlling the electoral commission, do you believe the opposition can ever win an election?

It cannot. First of all, article 71–73 of the constitution lays out avenues through which contestants can come to government. One of them is through political parties. The political parties that would have moved along those lines are in a shambles. And their recovery is not certain. The would-be game changer in terms of advocacy is Dr Besigye’s party, which is still in limbo, and nobody knows when it will be pulled out of the limbo.

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